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Final Latino Voice 2 DRAFT DRAFT DRAFT Our History, Our Voice: The Latino/LULAC Influence in Denton A Traves de /os An"os (Over the Years) This is a narrative timeline highlighting the population growth pattern of Latinos in Denton and role of Latino leaders in reshaping Denton's overall culture. The system changes were necessary to better accommodate an underserved community of culturally diverse Latino children and families in our region. The Denton LULAC Council is credited primarily for producing the major impact in effecting the vital reforms. Non-indigenous Early Settlers in Denton: A Historical Perspective The commemorative state marker at the entrance to the Cooper Creek Cemetery presents a poignant image of the "remaining remnants of a small rural community that dates back before the Civil War." A walk through this pre-1900's graveyard offers a trove of fascinating thought- provoking data about the early history of this north Texas region and its rich tradition. The casual observer should also be fascinated with the discovery of sculptured stones and decorative iron fence grave enclosures, as well as varied epitaphs and spiritual markings. Of special interest is the weather-beaten tombstones with barely readable identifications notched on the stone of interred remains of Spanish-surnamed men, women, and children (including still born babies) do we know they were still born?. The reference to the original hometown communities and Fecha de Muerte (date of death) reveal the origin of these newcomers to Copper Creek and time of settlement in the region. These markings also uncover vital historical data about what may have been the first "critical mass" of Mexican/Latino families settling in the Cooper Creek community and possibly in all of Denton County. There is no other historical evidence to suggest otherwise that earlier (non-indigenous) groups settled in what is now north Texas during the period the Spaniards and later Mexican control of the territory that is now Denton or Denton County (Curious about this. How do we know this?). This region of the state was called by the Spanish El Condado del Rio Rojo (the Red River County). The Red River was the geographical marker defined by the original Spanish mapmakers for the northern boundary of the region. Interestingly, the first major entry of settlers into north Texas was neither Spaniards nor Mexicans considering the region was part of the Spanish Empire for over 300 years followed by a shorter time (1821-1836) by Mexico. This raises z the question why were there no Spanish or Mexican settlements in north Texas? -,pain lost possession of Texas in 1821 after Mexico won its independence from Spain. Spain's original settlements of San Antonio, the Refugio Mission area, now Refugio, Mission La Bahia, now Goliad, did not even come close in distance to el norte de Tejas (north Texas). At that time, Tejas (Texas) was part of the huge swath of Spanish territorial claim that extended to the southernmost tip of South America. The original colonial settlements by the Spaniards were instead largely concentrated within proximate distance to Mexico and along the coarse path of El Camino Real (the Royal Road) with missions built by indigenous communities. These missions dotted the countryside along the way of El Camino. The road stretched from Mexico City connecting Spanish settlements as far as Santa Fe with no intersection of the colonial trail with the far north Condado del Rio Rojo; hence, no Spanish population flow to inhabit the region. The few Spanish settlements established in east Texas and along the gulf coastal region as far south as Matagorda Bay were strategically placed soon after the French explorer Rene Robert Cavalier, Sieur de La Salle had attempted intervention into land claimed by the Spaniards. The Spanish government evidently did not feel the urgency at the time to safeguard the north Texas border from encounters with other European countries, as evidenced in 3 their extension of Spanish presence in unsettled regions to the east and away from the more established Spanish colonies with missions as integral to community life. The missions served primarily as centers for Christianizing "Indian groups and to help them "adopt a civilized life". Information on the Comanche nation through the period of one of the most renown of the tribal leaders, Chief Quanah Parker, is widely recorded presenting evidence of a proud tribal nation fiercely protective of their territory in northern sectors of Texas. The Comanche's warlike combative influence in the region north and south of the Red River was felt first during the Spanish and Mexican occupation of Texas. The Comanche threat may have also dissuaded interest in establishing colonial communities on north Texas soil, not only by Mexicans and the Spaniards before them, but the original Anglo-American settlers with lands granted by Mexico to establish colonies in Texas, such as Moses Austin and, after his death in 1821, his son Stephen F. Austin. The first settlers attracted to north Texas under the provisions of the W.S. Peters colonization contract issued by the new government of the Republic of Texas soon after 1836, in fact, were Anglo Americans from the east or midwestern U.S. states. There were also European immigrants who settled in the Peters' colonies, mainly from Germany. The migration of new colonists from these same regions intensified after Texas joined the Union in 1848. 4 Mr. Tom Rainey, a longtime Copper Creek resident whose mother and other generations of family members are buried in the nearby community's namesake cemetery, believes that cotton farming may have motivated the first stream of immigrants to travel the long journey to north Texas from Mexico. Dr. Walter Buenger's research on the early economic development of north Texas backs Mr. Rainey's claim. The cotton industry in the late 1800s and early 1900s, according to UT Professor Buenger, became "a major player in north Texas". One can argue that cotton farming was one compelling factor coupled with the high demand for cheap agricultural/snoop labor that attracted the first surge of Latino - origin immigrants to our region. Ms. Peggy Riddle, Director of the Denton County Office of History and Culture, noted that the Blackland Prairie region to the east of Denton County had the most optimal conditions to grow cotton. The Denton area soil, according to Ms. Riddle, was best suited for peanut, corn, and wheat farming. These agricultural products may have produced an additional attraction by Mexican communities to north Texas. The hostile social and political conditions of Mexico in the latter 1800s leading to the Mexican Revolution of 1910 ignited a major human exodus from Mexico. This massive displacement was a reaction to the hostile environment 5 caused by President Porfirio Diaz's dictatorial rule favoring the more powerful wealthy elite. The nation's poor and Mexico's indigenous communities suffered the greatest neglect during the period. The emergence of the once vibrant Dallas neighborhood known as Little Mexico was a popular settlement site for people whose lives were affected by Diaz's harsh policies. Some of these displaced groups may have even joined with Mexican families already living in the nearby Denton region. Tiburcio Menchaca, one of the early immigrants, is among one of the early 1900's deceased buried at the Cooper Creek Cemetery. One can also speculate that Tiburcio Menchaca's relative, Juan Menchaca, cited in Georgia Caraway's Legendary Locals of Denton, operated what possibly could have been Denton's first Mexican food place specializing in "hot tamales". It was located on the Denton Square. Other first-generation immigrants from Mexico and their descendants listed in the 1920 census, according to the Caraway text are four Latino families, including Antonio "Tony" Villanueva whose sons, "Braley" (may be Bradley), Ben and daughter, Margaret, served in the military in War World II. These Villanueva family members could have been related to Benigno Villanueva (DOD: 1918) or Refugio Villanueva (DOD: 1911). Both Benigno and Refugio are four of the early 6 Villanueva family with remains interred at the Cooper Creek Cemetery. Another "legendary local" is Clemente Ramirez. He was featured in the Denton County Museum as part of the historical material on Latinos to commemorate the September 15 — October 15, 2022 Hispanic Heritage Month. Originally from Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, Mexico, Mr. Ramirez, represents one of north Texas' early railroad traqueros reileros is what we called them) (railroad track workers). Traqueros' hired by rail lines are described by Richard Gonzales, columnist for the Fort Worth Star-Telegram, as highly valued employees of railroad companies because of their "strong work ethic and willingness to toil in harsh conditions". Mr. Ramirez worked for the Texas and Pacific Railroad. Clemente Ramirez' son, Tonnie Ramirez, also longtime Denton resident, was a veteran of the Korean War and later an active volunteer in community civic services, as was his sister, Jovita Ramirez. A third-generation member of Clemente's family is John Ramirez. He graduated from Denton High School and continued his education at the Air Force Academy. He later retired as an officer after a distinguished military career in the U.S. Air Force and now lives in Denton. LULAC LEADERS LEADING THE SYSTEM CHANGE INITIATIVES Latino men and women with deep Texas roots moving to the region from different parts of the state during the 1960s through the 1980s were instrumental in reshaping the overall Denton culture to better accommodate Denton's Latino community. This new group of state - based Latinos, many empowered by the Chicano movement over time impacted a major transformation in the overall culture of Denton. "Chicano" was the self-ascribed ethnic label used by the Latino activists engaged in the civil rights movement of the 1960s and 1970s. A major number of these Latino/Chicano activists was were? first attracted to Denton as NTSU/ UNT or TWU students and college professors. Among the group were included: Frank Davila from Marlin near College Station, Rudy Moreno from Spur in West Texas, Elizabeth Carter from Del Rio, Rosemary Rodriguez from Mercedes in the Rio Grande Valley, Isabel a Pina Hinojosa and Jean Hinojosa from Laredo, Dorothy Martinez from Mineral Wells, Professor Ramiro Valdez from San Antonio, John Cabrales, Joe Montoya, and Professors Gloria Contreras and Frank Perez from El Paso. One Californian, Rick Salazar, was from East L.A., site of the first Chicano protest movement at the Garfield High School in 1968. He was the Founder and CEO of Denton Weathetrol Supply Company. Rudy Moreno, CEO of Morrison Milling, and Rick applied their valuable business leadership s experiences during each of their respective terms of LULAC service as President and Treasurer. The original Denton League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) founded 1981 by Frank Davila accounted for most of the active Latino members serving in Denton boards, commissions and committees for several city, county, and school government units and church, charitable, and civic organizations. This experience provided the LULAC members with a valuable political insight and leadership skills that proved useful in generating the cultural alignment of policies and programs with the city's rapidly changing demographics. Among the early 1960's Denton "transplants", Emilio "Popo", Gonzalez, was the most active and widely revered. Popo (now deceased) was from Robstown, Texas. He and his wife, Lupe, also a renowned community leader, were proud owners of a hair styling salon. This thriving Denton business located on the corner of Ft. Worth Drive and Collins Street operated for over 50 years. HISTORY OF EDUCATIONAL NEGLECT INSPIRING LEADERS' PASSION FOR CHANGE In sharing his experiences as a native Tejano (Texan), Popo often recalled several instances where he personally felt the humiliating effects of racism and bigotry in the schools. Recounting these bitter memories, one can understand the underlying social condition driving Popo and other local 9 Latinos of earlier generations of LULAC to sacrifice so much for the good of others as leaders for change in Denton. During a major part of the 20t" century the Texas' system of education had not adequately resolved how to deal with the clash of different cultures and languages. This clash frequently worked against Spanish-speaking students impacting heavily on their self-concept and how they viewed themselves in relation to the majority group students. Richard Rodriguez in his interview for the America Magazine, February 4, 2009, cites the mental anguish he personally felt while struggling to "navigate two identities, two Richards, the Richard who spoke only Spanish at home, and the Richard in the schools," where he was required to speak English under the forced assimilation practices of the schools. These cruel inhumane practices targeting young non- English-speaking children were also common among the Indian boarding schools of the Southwest. The schools of the early 20t" century promoted a culture in which Latino children faced the most egregious forms of inequitable treatment and educational neglect. Deeply institutionalized acts of injustice were normalized by the state education system. These punitive practices were given legal strength by the state's enactment of the English-only law of 1918. In keeping with major provisions of the Texas law, Latino children speaking Spanish in the schools were often spanked. Repeat offenders, by rule, could also be expelled 10 from the schools. The parents also felt the scorn from educators for speaking the forbidden language at home to their own children. A 1923 policy statement issued by the Texas Department of Education, now the Texas Education Agency, explained what now can be viewed as the ethnocentric provisions of the state's English-only mandate. "If you (presumably the Mexican - American parents) desire to be one of us, stay, and we welcome you; but if you wish to preserve the language and the customs of another land, you have no right to do this...then (you) must...go back to the country which you praise so highly, and rear your children there." THE ACTION AGENDA URGENCY FOR CHANGE This new influx of immigrants from Muzquiz, Coahuila, Mexico beginning in the early 1970s, increased the urgency to find new and better ways of teaching children whose first language was not English. These school enrollment increases of first-generation immigrants from Mexico and Texas born English learners were supplemented by sons and daughters of parents from Central America's upper triangle countries of Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. Improvement in the U.S. economy during the Clinton administration attracted a surge in immigration unlike other periods in the nation's history. The 1980's immigrants from Central America reached a point in which these newcomers to America, including Denton proportionately surpassed migrant groups from Mexico. Ms. Teresa Luna Taylor, 2022-2023 Denton ISD Director of the Dual Language Immersion Program, confirms these trends in the growth of "Emerging Bilingual" students in the schools today. Alarmed at the lack of Denton ISD teachers with bilingual fluency in English and Spanish and need for culturally responsive programs in Denton Schools, a group led by Popo Gonzalez from the Immaculate Conception Catholic Church organized Las Familias Unidas in 1972. Lacking the political power to effectively impact the schools, the Familias group 'voted to create FneFged I•In+" the Denton League of United American Citizens. The LULAC Council thus became the first Texas Latino organization north of Dallas and Fort Worth to be affiliated with the national LULAC. The LULAC conglomerate of local Councils from throughout the U.S. and the island of Puerto Rico has today established a legacy of success in improving the civil rights of Latinos. Noteworthy, is LULAC's admirable history of varied sources of scholarship support programs to improve the educational development and leadership talents of countless numbers of U.S. young Latino students in schools and colleges, including students graduating from Denton high schools today. Frank Davila, a popular Denton High School teacher of Spanish and longtime local resident, was voted to lead ',.n 12 the organizational effort to form the new Latino advocacy group. He was subseaVuently installed as first president of the local LULAC Council #4366 in August 1981. The first and most pressing item on the Council's action agenda was to improve public education for the city's increasing population of Latino non-English-speaking children. Although the discriminatory accesses evident in other parts of Texas schools were not as severe in Denton schools there was, nonetheless, according to LULAC President Frank Davila, "a Latino community (that) had felt shunned, ignored, and set aside" by Denton school officials. Despite calls by LULAC for bilingual education there were no programs in the 1980s, even though there was the Texas State Senate Bill 121 later signed into law by Governor Briscoe in 1973 requiring these special dual language programs. Instead, in Denton schools, English as a Second Language (ESL) was the preferred program implemented by the schools. These programs were allowed under the 1973 state law. The instruction of Latino and other English learners pulled out of regular mainstream classrooms was instead offered in building spaces undesirable for effective formal instruction, such as the auditorium stage of schools or the boys' restroom, as described by some of the ESL teachers at the time. 13 The LULAC concern with the deficits in school programs for Spanish - speaking children garnered attention from the Dallas Morning News when on February 18, 1985, the DMN paper edition reported on the "Denton Schools Bilingual Aid Draws Criticism". SUCCESSFUL OUTCOMES AND CELEBRATION Frank Davila described the early years of the LULAC "journey" toward change in the local schools as the period of "...resiliency, disappointment, anger, a fighting spirit, and searching, strategizing, collaboration, dreaming, enlightenment, commitment, successful outcomes, and celebration." The most welcome news of LULAC's "successful outcomes and celebrations" were evident in the years that followed 1990. This was a period that represented a major inflection point in the school district's history of policies and programs impacting Latino students and families. School programs supported by the LULAC Council and the prod for district-wide workforce diversity in the schools occurred incrementally largely due to the gradual switch in the composition of school board trustees and central office administrators. The new corps of central office and school-based administrators was comprised of a greater representation of open-minded and approachable leaders. More important, 14 they were part of the new generation of 215t century culturally enlightened educators serving in today's multicultural schools. SALIENT REFORMS IN POLICIES AND PRACTICES Soon after the shift in power, Denton Latino leaders became involved in decisions dealing with issues of desegregation and racial/ethnic equity not evident in earlier times when Spanish — speaking ethnic groups were left out of critical discussions of concern to the city's diverse population. The feeling of support by school leaders produced a renewed energy that inspired the LULAC members to push forward with the LULAC reform objectives. TO BE CONTINUED. SUBSEQUENT SECTIONS will focus on the DISD changes favoring Latino children and families. This is followed by LULAC — initiated reforms impacting other local governmental units,e.g., City of Denton, the County government, etc. 15 16